Since 2016, Michael Bloomberg’s work on climate change can be neatly summarized in one of the billionaire’s catchphrases: “Mother Nature does not wait on our political calendar, and neither can we.”
Rather than sit and plan for the day when Democrats took back the White House and Congress, Bloomberg poured some of his vast fortune into state and local level work to reduce carbon use and fight climate change. The ex-mayor was far from alone in his efforts. Before Donald Trump even announced his intention to run for the presidency, environmental activists and Democratic lawmakers were working to pass state and local climate policies in an effort to counteract Republican obstructionism in the House and Senate, which soon became active kneecapping as conservatives took back the presidency as well.
In the four years since Trump’s election, dozens of states, cities, and private actors have committed to making major energy and environmental changes across the board, hoping to help meet the Paris Climate Accords (from which Trump withdrew, and which Biden is widely expected to re-enter) with or without federal help. Along the way, state-level Republicans and their allies in the oil and gas industry have waged their own war against climate-focused cities, ballot initiatives, and even protesters.
The resistance tried to uphold the Paris Accords, thanks to Democrats in power
As David Roberts of Vox has written, when it comes to passing climate policies at the state and local level, there’s always one common thread: Democrats control the government. In west coast states like Washington, Oregon, and California, both legislative chambers and the governorship are under Democratic control, and the states have passed commitments to reach 100% renewable energy, change fuel economy standards, and require cleaner, more efficient buildings. Similar legislation has passed in Colorado, Nevada, New York, Maine, New Mexico, and New Jersey, all of which have the Democratic trifecta. Likewise for cities like Los Angeles, Chicago, and Washington, DC, all of whom have set dates by which they plan to go 100% renewable.
Cities like New York began pursuing similar goals nearly a decade ago under Bloomberg’s leadership, and the former mayor has used his fortune to spread the gospel in the Trump era. In 2018, Bloomberg Philanthropies launched the American Cities Climate Challenge, pledging $70 million to fund programs in 25 model cities working to combat climate change. Bloomberg likewise pledged $500 million to the Sierra Club’s Beyond Carbon campaign, which has sought to shutter every American coal plant and fight natural gas development.
Bloomberg has been the most visible and vital supporter of climate action in the Trump era, but he’s not alone. Former Google CEO Eric Schmidt and his wife Wendy’s Schmidt Family Foundation, through its grantmaking 11th Hour Project, have donated millions to climate groups and become highly active in environmental politics.
Initially focused on ocean conservation, the Schmidts (Wendy is reportedly the driver of their environmental work) became deeply concerned about the future of the climate after Democrats failed to pass a major cap and trade bill in 2010. They helped convince New York Governor Andrew Cuomo to ban fracking in New York in 2014 and have funded environmental justice groups from the Pacific Northwest to the Gulf Coast to the tune of tens (if not hundreds) of millions of dollars.
With commitments from billionaires like Bloomberg and the Schmidts, along with others like previous presidential candidate Tom Steyer, Democratic politicians have strong incentives to pursue ambitious environmental and energy reforms. These are the people who could fund their future campaigns, after all. Climate is also one of the few issues where Democrats can both court big donors and excite their base, as polling has shown that bold climate actions inspire young, progressive voters without alienating moderates. For Democratic governors and others eyeing a run at higher office, enacting far-reaching climate policies is now a requirement to be taken seriously by the party’s rank and file.
The backlash to the backlash hits red states and blue cities
States under Republican control are not resting on their laurels, either. While many red states are home to deep blue, environmentally conscious cities -- like Phoenix, AZ and Missoula, MT -- their governors and state legislatures are outright hostile to climate action. In 2020 alone, five states introduced legislation to stop cities from banning the use of natural gas in buildings. According to Reuters, these bills were supported by the gas industry and local and state chambers of commerce, though the American Gas Association and American Public Gas Association both denied playing a direct role in the legislation.
The biggest private player pushing back on state and local climate action has been the American Petroleum Institute (API), the oil and gas industry’s leading trade association. API has, like many of its members, pivoted away from outright climate denial to framing fossil fuel companies as leaders in the fight against a warming planet. Despite their new public relations campaign, “API does not support a carbon tax or any other policy that would reduce fossil-fuel use,” according to The Atlantic’s Robinson Meyer.
API has instead led the fight in Pennsylvania to oppose public subsidies for nuclear power, a major rival to natural gas in the state. While gas is cheaper, state subsidies could make nuclear energy a viable competitor. But thanks to a messaging blitz by API, nuclear power seems likely to fold. The fossil fuel industry likewise spent tens of millions in 2018 to fight off regulatory and carbon tax ballot measures in Colorado and Washington. Republicans have been more than happy to help in these anti-environmental fights, even going so far as introducing legislation to criminalize certain forms of protest around oil and gas facilities.
All climate politics is local—and will still be, even under Biden
With Democrats regaining control of the executive branch and also the Senate, the climate agenda will surely turn back to federal and international programs to reduce carbon use and improve clean energy on a massive scale. But with a razor-thin majority in Congress and the possibility of an open Democratic primary for the presidency in 2024, governors will continue to have every reason to pursue environmental laws of their own.
For Republicans, the war will continue, and if the past is any indication, there will be a state and congressional backlash to the Biden Administration throughout the next four years. The wealthy donors and trade associations on both sides will have plenty to fight about on the national level, but as gridlock is the name of the game in Washington most years, there’s hardly a reason to think that the state-level fights over clean energy and carbon reduction will cease anytime soon.
